Prologue

At the end of June 1945 Mátyás Rákosi went to Moscow for consultation, instructions and political discussions. While there, he lectured on the situation in Hungary at the Department of International Information (OMI) of the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party. The department head, Georgi Dimitrov, asked a number of questions. He queried his guest as to why no people's tribunals were established for the conviction of the so called fascists.

"The fascist leaders have all escaped," replied Rákosi. "Not a single fascist minister or secretary of state remained in Hungary... The most prominent fascists are in British or American captivity and they are in no hurry to extradite them." Dimitrov was not satisfied with this explanation and added that it was readily understandable that the British and the Americans were in no hurry but that it was incomprehensible why this was not the central theme of the Hungarian media and of Hungarian political discourse.

Rákosi did not accept the criticism.

I refer to this in every one of my speeches and the Communist Party publications constantly write about it. If we had some of the fascist leaders in our hands we would start a trial but all we have is Arrow Crossist small fry. Trying them would have no effect and all the leaders are gone. When I read,

he added,

that in Bulgaria every minister was captured I was envious and said how that country could be so very lucky. In Hungary they are all gone. We hope that the fascist leaders will be extradited and then we will arrange for the trials. This is extremely important since otherwise the people will forget what these men have done.

The Hungarian political and military leaders captured in the West were finally returned to Hungary on October 3, 1945. Szabad Nép, the Communist Party newspaper informed its readership on October 16 that Dr. Ferenc Fenesi, the public prosecutor and Dr. Sándor Szalai, a journalist and lay prosecutor have prepared the indictment in the case of former Prime Minister László Bárdossy and that the trial had been scheduled for October 29.

The death sentence was handed down on November 2. A few days later, the writer Gyula Illyés queried Lajos Zilahy, one of the most prominent Hungarian writers between the two World Wars, a member of the upper middle class and a former friend of Prime Ministers Gyula Gömbös and László Bárdossy. "What do you think about him now?" Zilahy replied, "Nothing, he is insane!"

According to Illyés's diary, he then added somewhat apologetically, "I have argued with him whole nights through. He pointed to the large tree in front of the house and said that this is the tree from which he would hang."

"Will he be hanged," asked Illyés. "When?"

"It would be best for him if it were done immediately," answered Zilahy and then added, "He will be extradited to the Americans and then he will again be returned. He may have to wait for his death for at least three months."

As far as the extradition was concerned Zilahy was in error but as far as the hanging was concerned he was right. Bárdossy's fate had been decided while the fate of the other former Hungarian prime minister, Béla Imrédy, was still in doubt. In Imrédy's case Dezső Sulyok was the public prosecutor. When after the trial, and in complete privacy, Gyula Illyés asked him, "Is it death?" Sulyok answered, "Yes, but he will not be executed." "Why?," asked Illyés. "We must hand him over to the Americans," came the laconic answer.

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Who was László Bárdossy, how did they make him into a "fascist," why did he have to die more urgently than the real fascist Béla Imrédy, and how was the still controversial trial conducted? These are the questions that we will endeavor to answer objectively and calmly.